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E. W. Merrill's photograph of the 1899 "Potlatch," entered as evidence in Davis v. Sitka School Board.

E. W. Merrill’s photograph of the 1899 “Potlatch,” entered as evidence in Davis v. Sitka School Board.

by Rebecca Poulson  I wish to acknowledge the Tlingit people as the original owners of this land and whose history must be foregrounded. I take all responsibility for any errors, and will be grateful for any corrections or comments.

In May, 1906, eighteen residents of Sitka, Alaska testified in a federal school integration case called Davis et al. v. Sitka School Board.

In 1905, Congress had passed the Nelson Act, authorizing funds for public schools in Alaska for white children and children of “mixed blood who lead a civilized life.” Before the Nelson Act, federal funds went to educate Alaskan children “without regard to race,” though in segregated schools. Alaska at the time was not even a Territory, but a federally-managed District.

Cassia Patton, a 45-year-old teacher, was the secretary to her brother-in-law, Alaska Governor John G. Brady. She instigated the confrontation by encouraging certain Native families living in the Village – the Native part of town – to send their children to the “white” school, after the Native school closed at the beginning of 1906.

When some of those children actually attended the public school that January, it struck a nerve. School board members W. P. Mills and Mrs. Stowell told the teacher to turn those children away. Mrs. Stowell sent letters to the parents telling them to stop sending their children to school.

Rudolph Walton was Tlingit, the tribe whose ancestral lands include Sitka. He was the step-father of two of the children, Dora and Tillie Davis, and requested a writ of mandamus from the court in Juneau to compel the school board to admit the children. He was represented by the third member of the school board, William Kelly, who had quit the school board in disgust. Kelly also happened to be a member of the Alaska bar.

The testimony was sent to Juneau, and the case filed later that month. Federal District Judge Royal Arch Gunnison, a young appointee of President Roosevelt, did not decide the case until almost two years later, in January, 1908. This was probably because the Native school had reopened, but also because the testimony was overwhelmingly against allowing the school to be integrated. His smug racism is expressed everywhere in his decision:

The Indian in his native state has everywhere been found to be savage, an uncivilized being, when measured by the white man’s standard. The government has always regarded him as of a benighted race, in a state of pupilage, a ward of the nation, needing care, control, protection, and education.“ Education, of course, in separate schools.

Judge Gunnison decided that any association with other Natives, with any Native custom or food, or residence in the Native part of town, means that a child “of mixed blood” is not “leading a civilized life,” and thus not entitled to education in the public school. Separating Native people from whites by law means they can never be “civilized,” which seems, unfortunately, to be the point of the entire exercise.

So far it looks pretty typical for this era, when eugenics and other ideas of racial ranking were widespread. But in Sitka, nearly the entire town was “mixed race.” The fault lines and the effort it took in order to define certain people as “Natives,” in order to deny them rights, reveal the motivations behind racism in this turn-of-the-century Alaska town.

Race

Defendants in the case were school board members W. P. Mills, who was Sitka’s leading merchant and businesman, and Mrs. Stowell, wife of the chief clerk of the Sitka Surveyor office. They both come across as unpleasant people. It was probably not a coincidence that Mills’ mother and wife were both members of the Daughters of the American Revolution, as was Mrs. Stowell’s daughter (Mrs. Stowell herself had been born in Scotland). H. A. Robinson, publisher of the Sitka Cablegram newspaper, who was also a former employee of Mills, represents the defense on the second day.

William A. Kelly, representing plaintiff Rudolph Walton, was the superintendent of the Presbyterian Sitka Industrial and Training School, a boarding school for Natives. Other supporters were Governor John Brady’s wife Elizabeth, as well as her sister, Cassia Patton. All these people on the plaintiff side were linked through their association with the Presbyterian mission school, which John Brady had helped start in 1878, before leaving mission work and becoming a merchant (and eventually Governor). Rudolph Walton and his first wife, Daisy, had been educated at the mission school. Walton was one of the first students, and helped construct the first buildings, as a teen, in 1882.

In the testimony, the defendants are not on trial – the children’s parents are. The “white” fathers are attacked for their association with Natives, but also for the kind of work they did, its frequency, and the appearance of their homes, even though their work and habits were far from unusual.

One of the fathers “was usually called a ‘Squaw Man,’ he is married to a Native,” demands W. P. Mills, of one witness, who answers, “Yes sir.” Bernard Hirst, a storekeeper, handled remittances from another of the children’s fathers, and is questioned about the man’s “indulging in strong drink” in the past, as well as the amount of support he pays for his child.

The third of the “white” fathers is said by a witness to be living a civilized life, but his wife and children were not. “His wife is a halfbreed Indian squaw and he cannot make her anything else.”

(Another unsettling thing in reading this testimony is that everyone, whether or not they are sympathetic to school integration, uses terms like “halfbreed” or “mixed breed” in referring to their fellow Sitkans.)

And here is the twist: all three of these witnesses were themselves “of mixed blood” or married to women who were. Even more striking, it turns out that all but one of the 29 children enrolled at the public “white” school are “of mixed blood.” They include Native orphans living at the Russian orphanage, and the child of a Chinese father and Native mother. Most of these children, though, are part Native because a parent is “Russian.” All the children at the “white” school are just as Native as the children the school board wishes to exclude.

The “Russians” were the descendants of Russian fathers and Alaska Native women, and were called “Creoles” by the Russian authorities. In the American era, they called themselves Russians, but had to defend their status between the incoming “whites,” and the “Indians,” or “natives.” In the 1900 Census, their race is even listed as Russian, a category distinct from White or Indian.

Everyone acknowledges that Russians and their children are “of mixed blood,” but at one point Robinson, for the defense, asks Kelly, representing the plaintiffs, “Do you consider Russians white people.” Kelly replied: “I consider Russians white.”

In Sitka in 1906, race can’t be defined simply by one’s ethnic heritage, which makes this case interesting. How to define “Natives” in such a way that they can be excluded from the “white” school, where the “white” students are as “Native” as the “Natives?” Which begs the question: why bother? Why was this so important?

In 1906 Sitka’s population of about 1200 included around 800 residents classed as “Indian,” most of them living in the Village or “ranche” part of town, to the northwest of the old Russian stockade line. Other Native people, graduates of the Presbyterian mission school, lived at the Cottages, a model Native community on the mission grounds, east of town. Nearly half of the 400 or so remaining residents were Russian. Other residents were from Europe, and several were from China. U.S.-born European-Americans were a small minority, with a handful of those – primarily white federal employees – comprising Sitka’s elite.

H. A. Robinson, representing the defense on the second day, was married to a Russian woman, and his children were among those “of mixed blood” attending the public school.

Another example of the complexity of race is the family of English-born storekeeper Bernard Hirst, a witness in the case. He had married a Tlingit woman, whose sisters lived at the Cottages, the Presbyterian Native community. His family lived downtown, and his sons attended the public or white schools, while their first cousins went to Native schools.

Adding to the complexity is that the Russians in white Sitka and the Natives or “Indians” living in the Village worshiped together, and married one another, in the Russian Orthodox Church; many of the “Indians” were as European as the Russians. It was not easy to make distinctions, especially without offending church officials.

In 1906, Americans like Mills and Judge Gunnison certainly believed in the superiority of the white race, but racial purity was less than useful in defining who was or was not Native in Sitka in 1906. So, the testimony revolves around proving the “civilization” of the families.

Civilization

W. P. Mills tries to define eating Native foods as a sign of a lack of civilization. He demands of Cassia Patton, in regard to the deceased father of the Davis girls, “did he eat seal oil?”

She says she doesn’t know but that “I suppose he ate fish eggs, I have done that myself, in fact I think a great many people would be benefited by eating them.” I must admit, I love Cassia Patton.

Her sister, Mrs. Brady, also has a sympathetic attitude toward the plaintiffs. She says that she finds Mrs. Walton (the former Mrs. Davis) “to be of very nice appearance and manner and very much of a lady.” Mrs. Brady offers many “signs of civilization” by Walton and his family.

The father of Rudolph Walton’s step-children, Fred Davis, who was also Tlingit, was dead, but that does not prevent both prosecution and defense from making him a central figure in the testimony. William Kelly, representing the plaintiff side, tries to establish the “civilization” of the parents by showing that they are educated, and live in their own separate homes, and not in clan houses, with their clan relatives. He elicits from one witness that the Davis family had a carpet on the floor and nice things, and that Fred and Mary Davis had been educated. But other witnesses testify that Davis took part in traditional Tlingit “potlatches” in 1899 and in 1904.

The Tlingit potlatch, or koo.eek, is at the center of Tlingit culture and society. Clans invite their opposite clans (all Tlingit clans are one of two moieties), honor and feast them and distribute property, as a way of establishing and reinforcing social and political relationships, as well as ancient traditions of reciporcity. Highly symbolic objects, regalia, dance, and elevated speech are key. American and British authorities understood the importance of the potlatch and worked tirelessly to eradicate the practice.

Photographer E. W. Merrill was called as a witness, because his photograph, of Fred Davis taking part in an 1899 potlatch, is an exhibit for the defense.

Merrill is known today for his great skill and artistry, and for his respectful and realistic portraits of Native people and art. We would expect him to be sympathetic to the Native culture. We would be wrong.

Perhaps Merrill had some personal reason to keep Village children from school, or maybe he had some reason to fear for his own social status, due to his “association” with the Natives; but, he is probably just displaying the prejudices shared by most people at the time.

Merrill distances himself from the Village, saying that he goes there “because my business leads me there.” He says that Fred Davis took part in the 1899 as well as the 1904 potlatch.

When Kelly questions him as to the nature of the dances, and whether they involved “immorality,” Merrill responds that “I should judge there must have been from the arrests made at the time.”

Then, Kelly asks him if he’s familiar with the “masquerades” or holiday balls by the “Russians and whites,” and Merrill says he has never attended one, and knows nothing of them. This is hard to believe, judging from the later testimony by the marshal, that makes it sound like they were hard to miss. He refuses to acknowledge that dressing up in a “masquerade” might be just as much a sign of uncivilization as dressing up for a Native dance.

Rudolph Walton, the stepfather of the Davis girls, had attended the Sitka mission school, and was a jeweler and carver and businessman, built and owned his own business and home, and was an elder in the Presbyterian church.

Merrill is asked, “do you consider him a peaceful and industrious man.” Merrill’s response: “As far as Indians are concerned yes.”

Don’t you consider that Walton’s being educated at the Training School would entitle him to be classed with civilized people.”

Merrill responds, “It depends upon one’s view regarding a civilized person.”

Economics

Sitka in 1906 had lost the seat of government to Juneau, where the gold mines were booming. Commercial fishing had not yet become an economic force. Most of the buildings along the dirt main street, including the federal offices where the testimony was taken, were old Russian log buildings a half century or more old, picturesque but decaying. Mills and the other white merchants, such as witness Bernard Hirst and U. S. Commissioner Edward deGroff, made their living supplying the small local mines and other local ventures, by buying furs, and by dealing in Native handicrafts for the steamship tourist trade.

Walton’s small store would have been a direct competitor of Mills, if he purchased furs, and Walton was a seal hunter himself. Walton also produced and sold artwork directly to the tourists, which might have had something to do with W. P. Mills’ hostility in the case. It could be that Walton’s actual “civilization” – which surpassed that of a majority of “white” Sitkans – may have been a reason Mills and the others felt the need to put him down, by refusing to let his children attend school with theirs.

William Kelly, representing Walton, questions him about his education, business and taxes, and how his step children attended the public school before he was notified they would not be allowed to attend any more.

Then Mills takes his turn at Walton, and demands, “somebody suggested that you take them to the white school,” to which Walton replies “No sir, I thought of it myself, I try to do something without advising me.”

Mills asks Walton whether the children’s mother speaks English. He says she does, but Mills repeatedly contradicts him, insisting that she does not, even after Walton says that of course she would not speak to Mills.

Mills questions Walton about the amount of business he does at his store, then mocks him for having an expensive cash register when he has no clerk.

Mills: “How much did you pay for your cash register.”

Walton: “$385.00 laid down here. I have fine things. I don’t see what that has to do with the school.” Which provokes laughter in the room.

Mills: “Perhaps not, I do; you will let me judge.”

When Walton is called again, H. A. Robinson, representing the defense, insinuates that Walton could not have written his complaint that went to Juneau. “Who dictated the letter, who told you what to say.”

Walton: “Nobody told me what to say, I know, I have words.”

Sitka’s Commissioner, merchant Edward deGroff, who is the referee for the testimony, never raises any objection to this treatment of Walton, and we’ll never know whether it is because he is sympathetic to the defense, or because he does not know better.

Traditions

Rudolph Walton, whose Tlingit name was Kawootk’, Fred Davis, and Fred Bean (likely Augustus Bean), who was called as a witness, were all important in Sitka Tlingit society, as well as members of the Presbyterian church. It could be that their stature in Tlingit society was another thorn in Mills’ side, because he was dependent on Native handicraft and furs for his business.

Rudolph Walton was one of the first students at the mission school, one of several boys from prominent lineages. It could be that at the time a mission education looked like an advantage to a young leader; Tlingit people were soon to learn that affiliating with the Presbyterians came at the cost of giving up Native culture and tradition and status. Walton built a home at the Cottages, the model Native community on the mission grounds. His English name was given by the family who sponsored him at the school, after a prominent Presbyterian educator in Philadelphia. This epitomizes the dramatic drop in status, from a master of property and leader-in-training, to a person with so little status he is renamed by his missionary sponsors. And these are the “pro-Native” people.

But not long before this 1906 trial, Walton left his home at the Cottages and built his store and home to the edge of the Village. His wife had died, and he married his second wife, the former Mrs. Davis, in 1905 in a traditional way that the Presbyterians did not approve. Like his first wife, she was of the Kaagwaantaan clan, of an appropriate lineage for a person of Walton’s lineage, and 14 years younger than he was.

Rudolph Walton probably had to give up some of the perogatives of his birth, when he joined the Presbyterian church, but he was still an important member of his Kik.sadi clan. In 1901, Walton had taken part in a traditional Tlingit peace ceremony, to resolve a serious dispute between two clans, one of them his own. This act helped quell conflict, which you would think the Presbyterians would appreciate, but instead he was nearly kicked out of the church for it.

The 1904 “Last Potlatch” had been sanctioned by Governor Brady, as the “last” potlatch, because he recognized that Tlingit clans in Sitka had incurred obligations they had to to discharge. Instead, the “last” potlatch was a reminder of the strength the Tlingit clan system retained, even after decades of repression. It would have been obvious to the entire town, white and Native alike, in the richly dressed guests in their large canoes, the elaborate welcoming ceremony, the strong and finely crafted symbolic regalia and precious objects, the large commissioned carvings, the days of feasting and dancing and oratory, that this was something more impressive and bigger than any ceremony the white town could put on. Merrill’s photos of the event preserve the visual display of wealth. The merchants would have been well aware of the expenditures for food and drink and gifts for the guests. I’m guessing that this display of power and wealth contributed to the urge to restrain Native people into a lower social category. It was probably frightening, as well as fascinating, to many whites.

Walton had not publicly participated, but did create two carvings, commissioned by one of the hosts.

Walton says that the poles are for ornament; that yes he has a totem pole of his own – for sale in his store. Kelly breaks in to ask whether he had an order for a totem from a man in San Francisco, in an attempt to frame Walton’s participation as purely commercial. But it’s likely they all knew it was more than that, and that Walton, Davis, and witness Fred Bean were key participants in Tlingit society.

Witness Fred Bean says that he was allowed to remain a member of the Presbyterian church in spite of taking part in the 1904 potlatch, though the church “did not like it.”

At this time, the Russian Orthodox church and the Presbyterian were in competition with each other for Native members. Both were also engaged in the struggle against traditional spirituality and the clan system, which created a dilemma for both churches, in that being too strict about traditions put them at a disadvantage. Thus the Presbyterians allowed participation in both church, and in tradition, but “did not like it.” This balance was the source of conflict and dispute within both churches.

Old Quarrels

The most striking thing, to me, is how long-standing grudges by merchant W. P. Mills against Governor Brady and the mission crowd, and “old quarrels” regarding the school played such a large part in this case. Petty disagreements play more of a part than the fact that they are deciding the future lives of innocent children.

Presbyterian missionary Sheldon Jackson had originally sent John Brady to Sitka in 1878, and raised funds for the mission school. The site for the school, a large, prime piece of property with waterfront and river access, was claimed by John Brady and donated for the school, in spite of there not being a strictly legal way to do this. Sheldon Jackson helped steer Alaska’s Organic Act through Congress in 1884, which included a provision giving “established missions” up to 640 acres, which legitimized the claim. That land grab was extremely unpopular in Sitka; one of the Russian families had loaned money for a brewery to be built there, with the property as collateral. Sheldon Jackson was appointed Alaska’s General Agent for Education, a post he held from 1885 to 1908, and continued to lobby from his office in Washington, D. C.

Probably helped by Sheldon Jackson’s influence, Brady was appointed Governor in 1897, and reappointed twice more, but he was not popular in Alaska. Most of the white population believed that Natives and their interests were a hindrance to exploitation of Alaska’s resources. He was not popular with many Native people, either, because of the Presbyterian attitude toward Native culture and society, and because he had “homesteaded” a second large tract, of Tlingit land behind the Village. Then, just a few weeks before this testimony was taken, barely into his third term as Governor, he was forced to resign because of his naive promotion of a development scam.

His quarrel with W. P. Mills, who came to Sitka in 1887, was partly political, because of his advocacy of Native education, but also as a competitor as a merchant and sawmill owner, and the two had a legal dispute in 1901 over water rights. W. P. Mills was a much better businessman, but couldn’t do anything about the missionaries’ political influence. Maybe this was his opportunity to settle an old grudge, at a moment when his opponent was down. It could be, too, that Mills, who did not get the chance to finish college, had a chip on his shoulder when it came to the more-educated mission crowd and the various government employees, who comprised the rest of Sitka’s elite.

Brady’s sister-in-law Cassia Patton, who had encouraged the Native children to attend the public school, first came to Sitka in 1889. She taught school, then owned the Alaskan newspaper (funded by Brady), and worked as Governor Brady’s secretary.

Kelly had also been a Sitkan for decades – he had first arrived in 1885, when he ran the mission school as a federal employee.

In 1906 Sitka’s economy was contracting, with government offices, steamship stops, population and business migrating to Juneau. And yet, Mills funded his former employee H. A. Robinson in starting an anti-Brady (anti-mission) newspaper, the Sitka Cablegram, in early 1905: each side in the conflict had their own newspaper.

Most of the defense and plaintiffs, including Mills, Mrs. Stowell, the Bradys, Kelly, and the Native men Walton and Davis were members of the Presbyterian church. In 1906 there were two Presbyterian churches: the white church was next to the parade grounds (now the Sitka Pioneer Home) and the Native church was at the mission.

W. P. Mills and Governor Brady both had school-age children, who for some reason are not on the list of students attending the public school.

Most of the petty quarrels behind the school board decision come out when Kelly questions the school teacher and Mrs. Stowell, the school board member who had sent notice to the parents that they could not send their children to school any more. She claims she does not know Rudolph Walton and that she does not know that he was educated at the mission school, and refuses to state her objection to the Davis children going to school.

Kelly, who had been a member of the school board before resigning over this case, asks: “Was there any enmity back of ruling these children out of school.”

Mrs. Stowell: “I beg pardon.”

Kelly: “I asked whether there was any enmity in deciding that these children could not attend the public school.
Mrs. Stowell: “No sir.”

She then says that she does not know whether there are any “half or mixed breeds” attending the school.

Kelly: Did you not tell us on the School Board that some of the halfbreeds were attending from (the Russian Orphanage).

Mrs. Stowell: “I think not, I don’t know that they are.”

Kelly: “You consider Rudolph Walton and William Allard civilized men.”

Mrs. Stowell: “I don’t know enough about that.”

Kelly: “You don’t, you don’t know much about that.”

Mrs. Stowell: “No.”

Kelly asks, ”Do you know these Walton children.”

Mrs. Stowell: “No.”

Kelly: “Then you were hardly acting as a school director in these matters.”

Mrs. Stowell: “I was acting entirely on my own judgment.”

Kelly: “Then you do not know why you ruled these children out.”

Mrs. Stowell: “I refuse to answer.”

Kelly: “Was the bans put upon children of any other families besides those in the native village.”

Mrs. Stowell: “Not that I know of.”

Kelly: “Some little trouble about Mr. George’s family.”

Mrs. Stowell: “Not that I know of.”

Kelly: “Some little trouble about the Governor’s family.”

Mrs. Stowell: “I don’t know.”

Kelly: “Oh! You don’t.”
Mrs. Stowell: “No.”

Again you would think that Commissioner deGroff would have intervened, to remind Mrs. Stowell that she should answer truthfully, but again, he does not.

Kelly then asks how children were promoted; it seems that Kelly had wanted students to take a test to move up in school, but he was outvoted by the other two on the school board, who let the teacher decide who should advance. We are left to wonder whether someone – perhaps W. P. Mills, or his former employee, H. A. Robinson – might have preferred to have his chidren promoted at the teacher’s judgment, rather than on the basis of an exam.

Kelly: “Do you consider any of the natives civilized.”

Mrs. Stowell: “I decline to answer.”

Kelly: “We will excuse the witness as being utterly useless for our purpose. We rest our side of the case.”

Miss McCaleb, the school’s teacher, affirms that the Davis girls were well-behaved and nicely dressed, and that Peter Allard and Lizzie Allard were “fairly good scholars.” She also affirms that the School Board told her that no children from the Village were allowed to attend the school, but says, “Not that I know of” as to whether there was any “feeling or enmity back of the native children coming.”

Kelly: “Was there not some feeling about Miss Patton. You went to Mrs. Stowell and talked this matter over with her.”

Miss McCaleb: “No sir.”

Kelly: “You felt some little resentment in this matter, you thought Miss Patton was sending these children. You need not answer this question if you do not wish to.”

No answer.

In spite of this court case, all of the non-Native principals socialized and did business together. A photograph from around this time shows Mrs. W. P. Mills, the wife of the defendant, seated next to Cassia Patton, at a picnic. Next to Mrs. Mills is R. W. DeArmond, the father of Alaska historian Robert DeArmond, who had come to Sitka to work for the Department of Agriculture in 1903. At the time of this testimony, he shared a house with Merrill, and was elected to the School Board himself in 1907. His position on the case can be inferred from Bob DeArmond’s column on Rudolph Walton:

Walton attempted to enter his two step-children as well as several others he claimed to have adopted, in the white school where the teachers refused to accept them.

(The) three-member school board . . . split on the question. The loser was William A. Kelly, superintendent of the Sitka Industrial Training School, and he resigned from the school board. Walton’s effort was supported by the Presbyterian Church, . . . Kelly, a member of the bar, took the matter to court and lost. That ended Walton’s effort but did not erase a great deal of bitterness.” The implication I get here is that the bitterness was caused by Walton’s effort, not by the injustice of barring his children from going to school.

The majority of Sitkans believe it is wrong for Native children to go to school with “white” children.

There was no practical reason to exclude Village children from the school. Only four of the six children had even attended the public school before being told not to come any more. The teacher and others testify that the three girls who did are well-behaved. In 1906, there does not seem to be any threat of hordes of Native children overwhelming the schools, as most parents do not seem to have been eager for their children to go to school. The grandmother of one of the girls was opposed to her attending. And it turns out that these children were even included in the enumeration made to get the school, and, the school board had received funding for them, so it was not a money issue.

The arbitrary definition of “civilization,” which came down to living in the Village and “consorting” with other Natives, creates, rather than follows, any real differences amongst Sitkans.

Judge Gunnison wrote:“Civilization, though of course the term must be considered relative, includes, I apprehend, more than a prosperous business, a trade, a house, white man’s clothes and membership in a church. The burden of establishing that the plaintiffs live the civilized life is upon them, and I fail to find in the testimony evidence of a condition that inclines me to the opinion that the Davis children have that requisite.”

Thus Judge Gunnison weasels out of even bothering to define “civilization.” The only hard criteria they can come up with are living among and “consorting with” other Natives, which, of course, is a result of, and reinforced by, the racial bias on display in this testimony. By preventing Native children from “consorting with” white children at school, they are making it even less possible for them to meet their arbitrary criteria.

Bob DeArmond tells in his column on Rudolph Walton that he operated his store in two locations downtown, and owned property and put up buildings, on Lincoln Street, before building his shop in the Village. Was there pressure from Mills or others to give those up? From the effort Mills and others make to exclude Walton’s children from school, it seems very likely he would have exerted his influence to exclude him from Sitka’s main street commercial life, as well.

At the start of the testimony, W. P. Mills asks Walton: “You did not care whether they went to white school or not.”

Walton replies: “As long as they have good schooling, that is all I want.”

The following year federal funding was restored, and Sitka’s Native school reopened. The two schools were not integrated until 1949.

Dora and Tillie Walton went to Sheldon Jackson School, and were members of the first high school class, graduating in 1921. Tillie died in 1922.

Cassia Patton had been Governor Brady’s secretary, and went back to teaching after his resignation. In 1912 she and missionary Douglas Craig McTavish married in Calgary, Alberta, when she was 51 and he was 50, and went on to found the first school in Fort McMurray, Alberta. They successfully used the Canadian legal system to conduct a tax sale of property owned by speculators, who would not pay their taxes to support the school. In 2011 the Ecole McTavish opened in Fort McMurray, named in their honor. (The school fortunately survived the wildfires in the spring of 2016).

Like today, on the surface Sitka appeared integrated and race relations seem to be good, but in pursuing this cause, W. P. Mills exposed strong anti-Native feeling. What is surprising is not the vehement racism of Mills, but that this seems to be the view of most of the people of the town.

From this testimony, we begin to understand that society was permeated with the conviction that Native culture was not only inferior, but had to be suppressed, ranging from the explicit statements of Mills and Judge Gunnison, to the more passive acceptance by Merrill and so many others in this record, that Native children and “whites” must be separated.

From the time of U.S. Occupation of Alaska in 1867, Americans systematically excluded Native people from economic, political, or social integration. This case is an example of defining Native people just to deny them rights enjoyed by others.

There was also a horrific death rate among Native people in this period: Rudolph Walton lost his first wife, and eleven of his children as infants or young children, and thiswas not at all unusual for Native families at the time. The European-American death rate had been this high, but had come down dramatically since the 1870s. The trauma of losing so many family members, on top of being treated as naturally inferior despite one’s personal qualities and achievements, has had an impact on Native society to this day.

We are not so distant from those Sitkans from a century ago, which after all is only a few generations – these are our great-grandparents. Could the way we define Natives today be a continuation of these arbitrary criteria – and how much of what we accept as intrincally “Native” has actually been created by that artificial definition, and over a century of discrimination based on it?

Can we learn from this case and the way we see race was defined explicitly to create differences, and to justify discrimination? What would happen – if we don’t assume that Native culture is inferior to European-American culture? What if we consider the possibility that Native culture and language are compatible with, and even beneficial to, public education?

Selected sources:

Davis et al. v. Sitka School Board, 3 Alaska 481 (District Court, District of Alaska, First Division, 1908). Case file photographed by author at Alaska State Archives, Juneau Alaska, October 28, 2015.

Twelfth Census of the United States, Census of Alaska, Southern District, Sitka, Alaska 1900, accessed at family search.org.

Thirteenth Census of the United States, Population – Alaska, 1st District, Sitka, Alaska 1910, accessed at findmypast.com.

Bob DeArmond, “From Sitka’s Past” series of newspaper columns in the Daily Stka Sentinel, 1985-1992, and “Around and About Alaska,” 1992-2002.

Ted C. Hinckley, Alaskan John G. Brady, Missionary, Businessman, Judge, and Governor, 1878-1918 (Miami, Ohio: Miami University, 1982)

Virtual Museums Canada, Community Memories, Heritage Park, Fort McMurray, Alberta: Fort McMurray’s School Stories, “Cassia McTavish (nee Patton) – McMurray’s First Teacher” http://www.virtualmuseum.ca/sgc-cms/histoires_de_chez_nous-community_memories/pm_v2.php?id=story_line&lg=English&fl=0&ex=773&sl=7836&pos=1 Accessed July 1, 2016.

Joyce Walton Shales, “Rudolph Walton: One Tlingit Man’s Journey Through Stormy Seas, Sitka, Alaska, 1867-1951” (Ph. D. diss., The University of British Columbia, 1998)

Sergei Kan, Memory Eternal: Tlingit Culture and Russian Orthodox Christianity through Two Centuries (Seattle and London: University of Washington Press, 1999)

Willis Osbakken, interview, Raven Radio, Sitka Alaska, November 2012, available at http://www.kcaw.org/2013/06/17/historic-sitka-in-stories/

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I will soon be adding an article, explaining what this case was about, that denied the right of children to attend school if they lived in the Native area of Sitka. Davis Case Testimony

This file contains the testimony taken at Sitka in 1906, as to whether or not the plaintiffs – children of “mixed blood,” were or were not “civilized.”

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Sheldon Jackson School in the teens, Sitka Alaska

Sheldon Jackson School in the teens, Sitka Alaska

This is a work in progress, and I’d appreciate any comments, additions, or corrections.

This project is supported in part by a grant from the Alaska Humanities Forum and the National Endowment for the Humanities, a federal agency. Any views, findings, conclusions or recommendationas expressed in this work do not necessarily represent those of the National Endowment for the Humanities.

Founded in 1878, Sitka’s Sheldon Jackson College was the oldest institution of higher learning in Alaska when it closed, abruptly, in 2007. The windows were boarded up, and the already neglected buildings remained unheated and empty as the college board of trustees struggled to address a massive debt. Then, in 2011, the core campus was turned over to Alaska Arts Southeast and its Fine Arts Camp, who are restoring the physical campus, and filling it with arts and cultural education programs.

Along with the physical campus, the Fine Arts Camp soon found they had inherited a deep and complicated history. In addition to the strife surrounding its closure, Sheldon Jackson has a legacy as a Presbyterian mission school of repressing Native language and culture. And yet, many staff and graduates of the high school and the college have strong affection for this place.

The following brief chronology is a start at shedding light on some of the contrasts and contradictions in the school’s history. The early history of the school is especially relevant because Alaska today is the product of the clashes of this crucial era, and the legacy of Sheldon Jackson and his mission.

I’ve tried to footnote information that’s not widely documented. Just about everything about the school from the mid-1920s to the early 1980s comes from Les Yaw’s memoir 60 Years in Sitka.

The Kiks.ádi clan of the Lingit people are the traditional owners of the land that became the Sheldon Jackson campus.1 The Lingit people held all of what is now Southeastern Alaska and parts of British Columbia and Yukon Territory since time immemorial.

At the time the first Europeans came to the North West Coast in the 1770s, there was a major winter village at the foot of Castle Hill (Noow Tlein) (roughly the Sitka Hotel area), with some clan houses atop the hill. There was also a village from the mouth of Indian River to Jamestown Bay.2 There were probably structures here on the campus.

There is an ancient Kiks.ádi story about the unusual, flat-topped rock at one corner of the campus. This story is where Dog Creek (Keitlyátx’i Héeni, Puppies Creek, in Tlingit) gets its name.3

Russians worked their way into Alaska east from Siberia beginning in the 1740s, using forced labor by Indigenous people to kill sea otter for their valuable skins, devastating societies and decimating villages, and wiping out sea otters, as they came east.They established forts in Prince William Sound and on Kodiak Island.

After the 1780s, other nations joined in the maritime fur rush, sending ships to trade with the Indigenous traders on the North West coast for sea otter fur. In the 1790s, Sitka became the central battleground in the fur trade, with British and American ships trading with the Tlingit traders, while the Russians, having destroyed sea otter populations in the Gulf of Alaska, considered Southeastern Alaska to be theirs.

In 1799 Alexander Baranov, the chief of the Russian American Company, negotiated with the Kiks.ádi leaders to allow him to build a fort at Old Sitka. In 1802, a multi-clan alliance of Tlingit destroyed the fort. Kiks.ádi tradition tells that it was an accumulation of insults that led to the fort’s destruction. Economic conflict – that the Russians were taking sea otter from Tlingit waters – was likely also a factor.

It took the Russians two years to return to Sitka from their base at Kodiak. In 1804 the Kiks.ádi had built a new fort at Indian River designed to resist naval bombardment. Due in part to the Kiks.ádi loss of a canoe of gunpowder and the fortuitous presence of the Russian frigate Neva, the Kiks.ádi retreated, and the Russians with the Alutiik, Unangan and other western Alaskan Native people who were working for them, took over the site of Sitka, renaming it New Archangel. The Kiks.ádi (and their spouses and children, who belong to opposite clans) suffered heavy losses in this “survival march,” which was in late October. They lost canoes, houses, and their winter food supply.

While the Russians hung on to Sitka for the next six decades, they relied on constant diplomacy with the Tlingit clans in order to sustain what was essentially an outpost, although they used Sitka as their center of administration for their claims in Alaska. In 1827 Tlingit clans resettled on the north west edge of the Russian fort, still the site of Sitka Indian Village. Both sides benefited from trade, which is probably why Tlingit leaders tolerated and supported the Russians.

Although European diseases, especially smallpox, had a terrible impact, the Tlingit clans did relatively well. The Tlingit controlled all their traditional territory in southeastern Alaska, and trade grew exponentially in the global trade for sea otter and other furs and art works. The Russians depended on Tlingit and Haida traders for food like halibut, venison, potatoes and berries.

In 1867 Russia’s Alaskan claims were transferred to the United States. With U.S. occupation, Sitka went from a somewhat decayed but quiet company town to the American frontier. Alaska became a military district, without law and order, much less any system of civil government. In addition, the fur economy collapsed, and there was a world-wide depression. American traders pushed Tlingit traders out of what activity there was. Alcohol, speculators, merchants, and rough characters poured into the District, but most soon left.

In the first decade Alaska was under the authority of the Army, Civil War veterans who may have contributed to the disorder.4

The Americans brought with them virulent racism, and overwhelming military power. This was the era of the Indian Wars and aggressive westward expansion, the height of Manifest Destiny. In the rest of the United States Native Americans were brutally forced off their lands and onto reservations in the essentially genocidal policies of the U.S. government. In the 1850s the state of California had even been paying a bounty on Indian scalps. In 1869 the U.S.S. Saginaw shelled and destroyed the villages of Kake.

After an initial rush of speculators and entrepreneurs, Sitka, and Alaska, quieted down again. Then in 1874 Wrangell became the frontier, with the Cassiar gold rush. An influx of miners and those hoping to benefit from the gold rush (traders, liquor sellers) flooded to Wrangell, with devastating impact on the Stikine Tlingit clans, who had controlled this important trade route, with a monopoly on much of the interior trade.

In 1877 the Reverend Dr. Sheldon Jackson founded a mission school for girls in Wrangell, recruiting teacher Amanda McFarland, a widow from Oregon. Sheldon Jackson was an ambitious, dynamic Presbyterian minister, founder of scores of churches in the west. He wanted to pioneer Alaska.

In 1877 Alaska still had no government – it was a Military District – then the Army pulled out. Sitka by this time had no industry other than alcohol and some other trade, mineral prospecting, provisioning fishing and seal hunting boats, and a few federal officials, like the Collector of Customs. Alaska was officially under the jurisdiction of the Treasury Department until 1880, when the Navy took over.

In 1878 Sheldon Jackson recruited Reverend John Green Brady and teacher Fannie Kellogg to start a mission school for Native children in Sitka, and they opened the school in April in a former barracks. The school closed in December. Brady quit (but traveled to Washington D.C. to lobby for education for Natives), and Kellog married missionary S. Hall Young, and moved to Wrangell.

In 1879 missionary Alonzo Austin came to Sitka and taught the day school for white and Russian children. In April 1880 Alonzo Austin and his daughter Olinda reopened the mission day school, for Natives.

From 1879 Navy Commander Beardslee, and his successor Captain Glass, of the USS Jamestown, forced Sitka’s Tlingit residents to whitewash and number their houses, and encouraged the rebuilding of the village in new frame style houses. In 1881 Captain Glass forced Native children to go to the Presbyterian school, by giving all the families and children numbers, and fining those whose children do not go to school.

The Presbyterian Native school was in various locations – initially, when it was a day school, it was on the top floor of the Guard House, a large former barracks next to Noow Tlein (Castle Hill). Then, when boys asked to live at the school, they moved to the old Russian hospital building (a similar building to the Russian Bishop’s House, it was located on the site of Pacific High School). It burned down in January of 1882, probably due to the building settling and dislodging the chimney. They moved the school into an old, leaky, drafty shed on the waterfront across the street.5

In 1881 missionary-turned-businessman John Green Brady claimed 160 acres of the present campus, in spite of there being no land laws in effect to make this possible, and donated it for the mission. He may have got it by using Civil War veteran land script he had accumulated.6 Sheldon Jackson was a very good fund raiser. The only sawmill in town was out of order, so Sheldon Jackson bought a cannery building at Old Sitka (from a short-lived cannery operation, one of the first in Alaska, built in 1878). Missionary Alonzo Austin and a willing crew of his students dismantled, hauled, barged, and built the two-story boys dormitory, 50 by 100 feet, in the fall of 1882.7

In 1884 they added a second building, for girls, of 50 by 130 feet, after McFarland’s school in Wrangell burned down. Later they built two hospitals, and the Cottages settlement, with three houses built by 1888.8

The Cottages was a model Christian Native community for former students, located on mission property at the edge of the Sitka Historical Park, on Kelly and Metlakatla Streets. Houses once stood on the east side of Metlakatla Street, where the parking lot is now. While the missonaries’ ideal is to have the families separate from their Native culture, and to live as European-Americans might live in the states, traditions and language continued. Marriages were correct matches in Tlingit protocol. Matriarchs of many of the Cottages families were the Sloan sisters, Kiks.ádi Point House women who became Mrs. Don Cameron, Mrs. Peter Simpson, and Mrs. George Howard (her daughter married Andrew Hope).

In 1884 the President signed Alaska’s Organic Act – finally some civil government (though not much) – and Sheldon Jackson became Alaska’s General Agent for Education, a position created for him. The Act entitled established missions to 640 acres of public land, thus expanding and legitimizing the mission’s land claim,9

In 1884 Sitka’s First Presbyterian Church was founded with 44 Native and 5 White members. In 1889 a white church was formed.

In 1889 the school had the two large dormitory buildings, an Industrial Arts building, a blacksmith shop, a steam laundry, bakery, hospital, and six Model Cottages. They had 186 pupils, but also functioned over the years as an orphanage and hospital, depending on the need.10

Throughout this period, until 1893,11 federal funds were given to missionary schools. Most people in the United States at the time did not see any problem with this. It makes government funds go farther when they can be combined with church funds. American leadership at the time, in government, society and industry, was heavily Protestant. Euro-American settlement and economic development of the west was a national priority. While some were genuinely concerned about the plight of American Indians, all likely understood the benefits of “civilizing” Natives so that they would not be in the way of what most Americans saw as the natural and best use of land and natural resources for settlement, farming and industry – by Euro-Americans.

The 1880s were a period of growth for the school but also political discord in Sitka. With the Organic Act, Alaska had a court system for the first time; many of the early lawsuits were brought against the mission. Some are over the mission’s land claim, and others are over the practice of compelling parents to indenture their children to the school for five years in order to attend. They are brought by the federal employees on behalf of Tlingit parents, and by Russian-American residents.  In 1885 anti-Sheldon Jackson government officials – the “Court House Gang” as Bob DeArmond called them – together with a faction of the white population, Russians, and Tlingit, pushed back against the growing power of the Presbyterians. They brought suit to take the mission site for a court house, and to nullify the student contracts parents were forced to sign. In order to attend the school, parents had to sign over their children for a period of five years. It culminated in the arrest of Sheldon Jackson, then in relatives taking their children out of the school, so that only half remained. The events led Sheldon Jackson to publish A Statement of Facts Concerning the Difficulties at Sitka, Alaska in 1885.

President Grover Cleveland, son of a Presbyterian minister, came into office in March, and in late 1885 the officials were replaced and the mission allowed to continue.

The 1880s were a time of large-scale taking of Native land and resources, as canneries, mines, and other industries, supported by the US government, exploited streams and land that had been controlled by Native clans. Native persons could only be citizens if they were “civilized” as attested to by whites. They could not own property or vote. They had no right to education or civil rights of any kind. They were viewed, and treated in law, as inferior to whites.

Disease took a heavy toll on southeastern Alaskan Natives, exacerbated by the lack of resources brought on by dispossession and disenfranchisement.

Presbyterian missionaries fought in Washington D.C. for government for Alaska and for education for Natives. Education for the missionaries meant stripping Native children of all vestiges of their culture. So even as Jackson and former missionary John Green Brady were labeled “pro-Native” in their time, today they would be seen as racist for their insistence on total assimilation, and low regard for everything Native (other than art and handicraft).

Anglican missionary William Duncan led a Tsimshian community from the model Christian Native village of Metlakatla in Canada to settle in Alaska in 1887. The new settlement was called New Metlakatla, or just Metlakatla. Metlakatla was self-sufficient, with its own industry. While he stood up for his Tsimshian followers against the Canadian government and from exploitation by white businessmen in Alaska, Duncan was autocratic and controlling. In the spring of 1888 several young men from the new settlement went to Sheldon Jackson’s school in Sitka, including Peter Simpson and Edward Marsden, who became leaders in the Presbyterian church.

In 1887 Tillie Paul, a Tlingit missionary, arrived at Sitka with her three young sons, after her husband, also a Tlingit missionary, drowned. (Her oldest son, Samuel, was adopted by the widow of the other missionary who drowned with her husband Louis Paul.) She worked for the school, and, with other missionaries, held Christian meetings in the Village.12

In 1888 the first museum, made of wood to emulate a clan house, was built to house Sheldon Jackson’s vast collection of Native artifacts.

The first decades of the school were filled with incredible physical labor – Alonzo Austin, D. C. McTavish, George Beck, and other missionaries of the first half century were hands-on. They builtd a flume for electricity, and to power a pelton wheel for the carpentry shop. The school was largely self-sufficient as far as food and power. From the very beginning students were the main workforce of the school, doing everything from cooking to cutting wood; but they were led by missionaries who are no shirkers. For a time the school was called the Sitka Industrial and Training School, and part of its mission was to give young men a trade and pride in his work.  This continued into the 1930s, when the students, led by staff, hauled a cast-iron sawmill out of the woods from a mine up Indian River, built a sawmill, and got it running; then it burned down, and they started over.

Missionaries wanted to help Native people, but they saw no value in Native language or culture. Education, hygiene, and Christianity were meant to replace Native culture – which they saw as debased, outdated and inadequate – with Presbyterian culture. Having one’s language and culture demeaned and lost is extremely damaging to a sense of oneself, but this was never recognized by the missionaries; into the 1960s most educators in Alaska saw acculturation as a necessary step for Natives to succeed in higher education.13

Disease, especially tuberculosis and its complications, took a heavy toll on Native people in Alaska, whether or not they are associated with the school, into the 1950s.

Even from the early days, many students and their parents actively chose to go to the school. At the time, the only path to citizenship was to adopt the dominant culture. Speaking and writing English, and learning the protocol of Protestant American culture, was the only route (however limited) to economic opportunity. Native property was taken in a land grab by canneries and other industries. Without citizenship and civil rights, Native people were not allowed to compete on an equal footing. At some point the goal of individual advancement evolved into the goal of advancement for all Native people, leading to the birth of the Alaska Native Brotherhood in 1912.

In 1892 the Native Presbyterian church was built on campus (across from the Sage Building, on the current site of Stratton Library). In 1895 the current Sheldon Jackson museum was built, the first concrete building in Alaska.

In 1897 John Green Brady, who first arrived in Sitka as a missionary, then went into business, became Governor.

By 1899 graduate Peter Simpson returned to Sitka, after founding a sawmill with other young Natives at Gravina. The sawmill burned down in 1904; as Natives, they could not get title to the land to rebuild. Simpson’s family tradition is that this is the source of his lifelong fight for land claims.14

In 1901-02 the school had 131 students.15

In 1904, the “Last Potlatch” was held. Rudolph Walton, one of the first graduates of the school, had by this time also inherited an important position as Kiks.ádi clan leader. While he did not officially participate, he carved important artworks for a host clan. He also intervened as a mediator in a conflict over use of the frog emblem by two clans.

In 1906 a boatbuilding operation began at the Cottages under Peter Simpson. Men who worked with Simpson went on to build dozens of boats in various parts of town. Simpson built a boat for Rudolph Walton, the William. Rudolph Walton, one of the earliest graduates of the school, was a jeweler and carver, who also had a store in the Village.

In 1906 the Davis case is brought. Rudolph Walton’s stepchildren and several other children living in the Village were refused permission to attend the public school (the public school for Natives had been closed) by school board members W. P. Mills and Mrs. George Stowell.16 Rudolph Walton brought suit, with support of former school board member and director of the Presbyterian mission William Kelly. Former missionary Governor John Brady’s wife and others testify on behalf of the children, but the court decided that any Native associations or lifestyle means a person is not “civilized.” They lose the case.

In 1910 the Shepherd Building (industrial arts) is constructed on the spit where the Sage building is now. Then, in 1910- 1911, the current campus is built, and the original large campus buildings are dismantled. School was suspended for the year while the new campus was constructed.

In 1912 the Alaska Native Brotherhood was formed – most founders were graduates of the school. This group is founded to fight for citizenship for Alaska Natives. Their original charter calls for Natives to leave behind the old customs. This was later modified. The ANB was instrumental in Natives acquiring civil rights, and ultimately land claims.

Sheldon Jackson was a grade school only, then in 1917 became a High School, which lasted until 1967.

After the 1920s the younger grades move to Haines House, an orphanage at Haines, Alaska. Students came to Sitka for 5th grade and up.7th and 8th grades were phased out in the 1940s.

In 1926 Tillie Paul Manor (infirmary) was built. In 1928 Houk House was built, to replace the Lottie Hapsgood Practice House, which had burned down. These were purpose built for training girls in domestic skills, which remained part of the program into the 1950s. Older girls would spend a term living in the house and practicing house keeping. From 1913 they had used North Cottage as a practice cottage.17

In 1928 Les Yaw became Superintendent; in 1929 the Sage Building was constructed, to replace the Shepherd Building for vocational training. In 1934 a gymnasium was built, north of Allen Hall. In 1936 the Native and White Presbyterian churches reunited (the white church had split off from the original, integrated, church in 1889). The white church was near the blockhouse and the Pioneer Home, down town. It was later called the Tower Apartments because of its steeple.

In 1934-35 the high school had 71 students, and the grade school had 55.18

In 1936-37 the seiner SJS was built by Peter Simpson and crew at his shop at the Cottages; a commercial fishing boat owned by school, it  was used to generate income, for fishing and hunting for the school, as a mission boat, and to take students to and from their homes in SE Alaska.

In 1941 Princeton Hall was built, by students, school staff, and professional boatbuilders including George Howard and Andrew Hope. She was built at the shop of George and David Howard, the brothers of Hope’s wife Tillie (Howard) Hope. David Howard and Andrew Hope were both graduates of the school. The shop was located next to the current Seafood Producers Coop plant at the north end of the Village. The shop, which was new at the time, had to be extended several feet to accommodate the 63-foot Princeton Hall.

Launched just days before Pearl Harbor, the Princeton Hall and the seiner SJS were requisitioned by the U.S. Navy. The Navy painted the Princeton Hall gray, and mounted a machine gun on the deck. The skipper of the SJS, Dick Nelson, enlisted in the Navy.

The Princeton Hall, a beautiful and seaworthy yacht, was a mission boat. She transported students, and missionaries, to villages, camps, canneries, mines and other settlements.

With the loss of the SJS, Andrew Hope builts the seiner SJS II for the school, launching her in 1943.

Music and musicals were a big part of campus life. In 1947 the Sheldon Jackson High School choir, under the direction of Geraldine Beam, was invited to perform at the Presbyterian General Assembly in Seattle. The choir made the trip on the school boats Princeton Hall and SJS II.

In 1942, the first students stayed on for junior college work; the Junior College officially began in 1944.

In 1946 Mt. Edgecumbe High School, a BIA (Bureau of Indian Affairs) boarding school, opened in the former Naval Air Station buildings on Japonski Island.

In the early 1950s Tillie Paul Manor (Sheldon Jackson infirmary) was used by the community of Sitka as its hospital until Sitka’s community hospital was completed; many Baby Boomer Sitkans were born there: from 1949-51, a total of 116 babies.

In January of 1952 the college’s first president, Les Yaw, was dismissed. At that time, the Sheldon Jackson School and all of the Alaska churches and missions were controlled by the Board of National Missions in New York City, and their Board of Christian Education, in Philadelphia; the Alaska missionaries had little say. Dismissal of Yaw may have been because the Board of Education wanted a more academic focus. It could also have been a case of personality conflict. The person who made the decision, the head of the Presbyterian Board of Christian Education, Katherine Gladfelter, held that position from 1949 to 1960. The dismissal was divisive for the campus community. Alumni and leaders, including Governor Gruening, wrote letters to the board of Home Missions urging his retention.

In the late 1940s through the 60s Sitka schools fielded some great basketball teams, and games were a big part of Sitka life, with intense rivalries among the three high schools, as well as city league and regional teams. In 1949 Sitka’s ANB team (starring SJ alumni) won the regional Juneau Lions Club Gold Medal Tournament.

In January of 1952 Roland B. Wurster becomes president; in 1955 the Yaw Building (library and classrooms) was completed. In July of 1956 R. Rolland “Army” Armstrong became Sheldon Jackson’s 3rd president.

In 1958 Condit Hall was built as women’s college dorm (Condit was later torn down to make way for the Sweetland Hall.)

In 1959 Sheldon Jackson Junior College is 2/3 Native, 1/3 white; the High School was ¾ Native, ¼ white. In 1961 the school had 37 full time college students.

The next major transition occured in 1966, when Sheldon Jackson Junior College was accredited. In July, Dr. Orin Stratton became president. His model for Sheldon Jackson was Whitworth College, a Presbyterian school in Washington.

In 1966 the Rasmuson Building was built, as the Student Union and cafeteria, also known as the A-frame. In 1965 Kellogg Hall opened as a dorm for women. Later it became Volunteers In Mission apartments.

In 1967 the last high school class graduated.

In the late 1960s Sheldon Jackson added housing for staff with families; in earlier days, most staff were unmarried missionaries. When it became a college, instructors needed advanced degrees, and so there was almost complete turnover. Families who came in the late 1960s and early 1970s include the Roths, the Bovees, the Bonners, the Wilsons, the Schultzes, and the Goffs. The Brauns came to work at the high school, so when it closed Rus Braun went to work at Mt. Edgecumbe High School, but they remained members of the Presbyterian church community. At one point there were 34 children on campus.

In the late 1960s enormous cultural changes roiled the United States, including the Presbyterian Church. The Presbyterian church was actually ahead of the national movement, starting in 1959, when the national church turned to the left, but with different attitudes and disagreements between more traditional church workers and more liberal ones.19

Alaska Methodist University opened in 1960. In the late 1950s and 1960s church and government leaders had a lot of discussion about how to best meet the needs of Alaskans for higher education. The University of Alaska expanded a network of community colleges, including Sitka Community College in 1962. A continuing challenge is the quality and even existence of village schools, with many high school graduates unprepared for college. Students who are prepared for college are heavily recruited by Lower 48 colleges.

Beginning in the late 1950s, by the late 1960s, the Washington Synod took control of Sheldon Jackson and other Alaska missions, from Presbyterian Board of National Missions (BNM), as the church eventually divested themselves of ownership and control of Alaska’s missions and churches. (The Presbyterian church is democratically organized, with churches in an area organized as a Presbytery; three or more Presbyteries are organized as a Synod.) In 1968 the Synod committee decided to close Sheldon Jackson; testimony from staff persuaded them to keep it open.

In 1972 the Presbyterian Church divested itself of ownership of the school. Sheldon Jackson is now independent, though still affiliated with the church. Major financial support only continued for a time, but the college still benefited from national fund raising efforts. The board of advisors became the board of trustees.

From the 1971-72 school year, Sheldon Jackson enjoyed state tuition grants for students, which made tuition costs competitive with the UA system, and saw expanded enrollment. In 1975 300 students, with 205 of those full time, enrolled. Then in 1979 tuition grants were found unconstitutional, which was a severe blow to the school. Enrollment dropped again by the late 1970s. (Also hurt by the loss of tuition grants, Alaska Methodist University closed in 1976, and reopened in 1978 as Alaska Pacific University.)

In the 1970s the Sitka Summer Music Festival, the Sitka Fine Arts Camp and Sitka Little Theater Guild were born on campus and with staff as founders. The aquaculture program, Native studies program, and an AA teachers education program for villages all began. There was also a pilot training program, and school-owned planes, but that ended with a plane crash and fatality in 1975. Elder Hostels used the campus in the summers.

In 1973 Dr. Orin Stratton resigned, due to health; Robert Uddenberg becomes the 5th president into 1974. Then in December 1974 Dr. Merton D. Munn became the interim 6th president until 1977.

In 1974 Stratton Library and the Armstrong administration building were built. In July of 1977 Dr. Hugh Holloway became the 7th president, to 1982. In 1977 and 1986 the college built apartments for married students, at the top of Metlakatla Street. In 1979 Yaw Chapel was built, designed by Taylor Potter, the son-in-law of Les and Caroline Yaw.

In 1980, due to the loss of state tuition grants, the school nearly closed. It only stayed open with a fundraising effort, and a major gift from Jane Newhall.

VIMS or Volunteers In Mission were vital to the operation of the school. Summer work groups took on maintenance and remodeling projects, often contributing materials and supplies. VIMS also filled many staff positions year round. They were also important in mentoring and tutoring students.

In 1982 Dr. Michael Kaelke became the 8th president. He stayed until 1993, the longest-serving president in the history of the college. The school added to its four-year programs and added faculty with advanced degrees.

In 1987 the Hames PE Center was built, named after trustee and donor Lloyd Hames. President Kaelke tried to put Sheldon Jackson on the map with competitive basketball teams, recruiting players from the Lower 48, but it didn’t work.

In 1987 an all-class high school reunion was held, and the Basketball Hall of Fame was inaugurated.

The college’s 9th president, Lawrence Rocheleau, inaugurated in July 1993, died in January 1994, after only six months as president. Rocheleau was an Alaska education star, promoting the Total Quality Management system at Mt. Edgecumbe High School, the former BIA school reopened by the State of Alaska.

In 1994 Dr. Kenneth Cameron became the 10th president, but maintained his dental practice; he shared administrative duties with Provost and Co-president Mary Lou Madden; he is president to 1997.

In 1995 a campaign to save Allen Auditorium was launched, led by the Allen Memorial Preservation Project. They won a major federal grant through Senator Ted Stevens, and won a further economic development grant; they turned the project over to the college. When the college closed, the exterior had been completed but the interior, electrical and mechanical systems were not.

In 1997 Reverend David Meekhof became the 11th president. He serveds to 2000.

At the board of trustees’ annual meeting in January 2000, the president of the board of trustees, Michael Sweetland, proposed closing the college in an orderly way. He was outvoted by a majority of the trustees, and left the board. This lead to a crisis, with closure contemplated. A task force was created with business and other community leaders, to define a vision for the school.

In 2000 to 2002 Sheldon Jackson College had to fight for accreditation, due to financial and administrative issues.20

In 2000 C. Carlyle Haaland was hired as consultant, and became interim president, then president to 2004.

In the 2000s much effort was expended to attract more students; marine studies program, and outdoor leadership program were developed; the Alaska Native Studies Program was revived, but had a rough start, until Dennis Demmert was hired in 2002. Also in the 2000s federal and private grants rebuilt the Rasmuson building, built a child care facility, and rebuilt the campus water, sewage and electric systems.

In 2001 the City of Sitka proposed excavating the front lawn in order to create 40 parking spaces for harbor parking. The school was behind on payments to the city and to many businesses.

In 2001 the college told the Sentinel that the enrollment of 132 was “nearly double year before.”21 Also in 2001, the campus is designated the Sheldon Jackson School National Historic Landmark.

In 2004 Arthur Cleveland became the new president to 2006. Once again, the school nearly closed; it was saved by a loan from a trustee. An ambitious cruise ship dock was proposed for Sage building area, and was dropped after much opposition.

In 2006 the school took out a $4.7 million consolidation loan from Alaska Growth Capital (AGC), after taking out five short term loans totaling $2.5 million22; they subdivided waterfront land for collateral and sold Tillie Paul Manor to pay back the emergency loan from the trustee. In 2006 board of trustees president Dr. David Dobler was named acting president of the college, replacing Arthur Cleveland.

The City and Borough Assembly had approved a $1 million line of credit to Sheldon Jackson, but, on Tuesday, June 26, 2007, they vote not to disburse SJ’s request for $730,000 ofn it.23 The school sought the loan to tide the school over until an expected large class enrolled in the fall. At 3:30 pm on Friday, June 29 Dr. Dobler announced the closing of school to staff that their employment would end in 30 days, and that staff would have to start paying market rates for their housing.

By the end of 2007, Sheldon Jackson lost accreditation, and was sued by AGC over errors in its collateral description;24 Sitka lost a $6 million payroll, and over 100 jobs.

In 2008 Sheldon Jackson College trustees subdivided land, the Assembly voted to assess property tax, and Pacific Towers Properties was hired by the bank to manage the campus. In March, the school received money from AGC to pay employee severance, federal taxes, and debt to the city.

In 2009 Dubuque University, also a Presbyterian Church-affiliated private college, began talks with City and trustees about a relationship with the campus.

In the summer of 2010 Dubuque pulled out, with a critical letter;25 Dr. Dobler resigned and John Holst, former superintendent of Sitka’s public schools, was hired as manager. Property was sold to pay off the debt, which totaled about $10 million.

In February of 2011 the core campus was handed over to Alaska Arts Southeast, the parent of Sitka Fine Arts Camp. The camp had been held at Mt. Edgecumbe High School facilities for several years; in June of 2011, they came home.

2012 was the 100th anniversary of the ANB; Isabella Brady, granddaughter of Peter Simpson, founder of the Sitka Native Education Program, prominent Presbyterian and Kiks.ádi Clan Mother, died at 89.

2012-2014 Fine Arts Camp, Sitka Sound Science Center, the Island Institute, the Sitka Summer Music Festival collaborated on new cultural and science programs centering on education. In 2012 the Sheldon Jackson School and College Oral History Project began, in an effort to preserve and share the history and experiences of staff and students. In 2013 the Alaska Travel Industry Association conference was held on campus, the largest convention ever held in Sitka. The Fine Arts Camp harnessed phenomenal amounts of volunteer skill and labor to do major work on buildings, including historic preservation work on the National Historic Landmark buildings.

1 Goldschmidt and Haas, 198-99.
2 Goldschmidt and Haas, 64.
3 Kaawóotk Ghuwakaan (Harold Jacobs), FaceBook February 8 2013, and Thornton, 100.
4Hinckley, 34
5A. E. Austin, “History of the Mission,” The North Star, Vol. 5, No. 12, Sitka, Alaska; December 1892, in Armstrong, 25-34.
6Hinckley, 59
7 Austin in Armstrong, 25-34
8 Sheldon Jackson, Report on Education in Alaska (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1888), 22, accessed at https://archive.org.
9Sheldon Jackson, A Statement of Facts Concerning the Recent Difficulties at Sitka, Alaska, in 1885 (New York: T. McGill, 1886), accessed at https://archive.org.
10William Kelley, “Sitka Industrial School,” Home Mission Monthly, Vol. 2, No. 3, February 1889, in Armstrong 35-37.
11Beck, 31.
12 Nancy J. Ricketts, ed. R. Dauenhauer, “Matilda Kinnon Paul Tamaree / Kahtahah; Kah-tli-yudt” in Nora Marks Dauenhauer and Richard Dauenhauer, eds., Haa Kusteeyi, Our Culture: Tlingit Life Stories, Classics of Tlingit Oral Literature, Volume 3 (Seattle: University of Washington Press; Juneau, Alaska: Sealaska Heritage Foundation, 1994) 485.
13Armstrong 91/
14 Isabella Brady (grand daughter of Peter Simpson), personal communication
15Beck, 43.
16Hinckley, 354.
17Armstrong, 98.
18Lottie E. Stevenson, “History of Sheldon Jackson High School” The Verstovian Vol. 21, No. 7, April-May 1935, in Armstrong, 66 .
19 Neil Munro, “A Personal Evaluation of Mission in Alaska and Yukon Presbyteries” at http://www.yukonpresbytery.com/history/Interviews/munromemories.htm, 1994. Retrieved March 2013.
20 Sitka Sentinel January 20, 2002 p 1 (referring to vote to close in 2000, and accreditation)
21Sitka Sentinel 9/17/2001, page 1
22 Sitka Sentinel November 8 2007 p 1
23 Sitka Sentinel June 27 2007 p 1
24 Sitka Sentinel November 8 2007 p 1
25 Sitka Sentinel June 10 2010 p 1

Selected Sources

Armstrong, Neal A. “Sheldon Jackson Scenes: A Documentary History of Sheldon Jackson Junior College, 1878-1967.” MS Thesis, George Peabody College for Teachers, 1967.

Beck, Mary Giraudo. Ka.Gun.Da: George James Beck, Alaskan Pioneer Teacher, Missionary, Leader. Ketchikan, Alaska: Rocky Point Publishing, 1999.

Bovee, Dr. Charles. “SJ Historical Summary,” Draft. Unpublished manuscript, author’s collection, 2012.

Brady, Carol Feller. Through the Storm Towards the Sun. Bloomington, Indiana: Author House, 2006.

Crittenden, Edwin B. The Architecture of the Sheldon Jackson College Campus 1887-1990. Sitka, Alaska: Sheldon Jackson College Press, 1991.

Clemens, Janet, Chris Allan, Linda Cook, Heidi Siegel, and Amanda Zeman, edited by Patty Henry. Nomination for Sheldon Jackson School National Historic Landmark, Sitka, Alaska. National Register Number 72000193, designated August 7 2001.

The Daily Sitka Sentinel newspaper, Sitka, Alaska

Dauenhauer, Nora Marks and Richard Dauenhauer, eds. Haa Kusteeyi, Our Culture: Tlingit Life Stories, Classics of Tlingit Oral Literature, Volume 3. Seattle: University of Washington Press; Juneau, Alaska: Sealaska Heritage Foundation, 1994.

Goldschmidt, Walter R. and Theodore H. Haas. Haa Aani, Our Land. Edited and Introduction by Thomas F. Thornton. Seattle: University of Washington Press and Sealaska Heritage Foundation, 1998.

Hinckley, Ted C. Hinckley. Alaskan John G. Brady: Missionary, Businessman, Judge and Governor, 1878-1918. Miami, Ohio: Ohio State University Press, 1982.

Kan, Sergei. Memory Eternal: Tlingit Culture and Russian Orthodox Christianity through Two Centuries. Seattle and London: University of Washington Press, 1999.

Mayberry, Genevieve. Sheldon Jackson Junior College: An Intimate History. New York: Board of National Missions of the Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A., 1953.

Mitchell, Donald Craig. Sold American: The Story of Alaska Natives and Their Land, 1867-1959. Fairbanks, Alaska: University of Alaska Press, 2003.

Munro, Neil. “A Personal Evaluation of Mission in Alaska and Yukon Presbyteries” at http://www.yukonpresbytery.com/history/Interviews/munromemories.htm, 1994. Retrieved March 2013.

Raibmon, Paige. Authentic Indians: Episodes of Encounter from the Late-Nineteenth-Century Northwest Coast. Durham, North Carolina: Duke University Press, 2005.

Yaw, W. Leslie. Sixty Years in Sitka. Sitka, Alaska: Sheldon Jackson College Press, 1985.

Before the Transfer to the United States history:

Arndt, Katherine L. and Richard A. Pierce. A Construction History of Sitka, Alaska, as Documented in the Records of the Russian-American Company. Sitka, Alaska: Sitka National Historical Park, National Park Service, 2003.

Dauenhauer, Nora Marks Richard Dauenhauer, and Lydia T. Black, editors. Anóoshi Lingít Aaní Ká / Russians in Tlingit America: The Battles of Sitka, 1802 and 1804. Seattle and London: University of Alaska Press and Juneau, Alaska: Sealaska Heritage Institute, 2008.

Grinev, Andrei Val’terovich. The Tlingit Indians in Russian America, 1741-1867. Lincoln and London: University of Nebraska Press, 2005.

Thornton, Thomas F., ed. Haa Léelk’w Hás Aaní Saax’ú: Our Grandparents’ Names on the Land. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2012.

Vinkovetski, Ilya. Russian America: An Overseas Colony of a Continental Empire, 1801-1867. New York: Oxford University Press, 2011.

Video interviews conducted by the Sheldon Jackson School and College Oral History Project:

Date Era
Frank and Ruth Roth 05/03/12 video college
Herb Didrickson 05/17/12 video high school
Charles and Edie Bovee 08/02/12 video college
Gil Truitt 08/16/12 video high school
Marie Laws, Chuck Bovee, Arliss Sturgelewski, Cayrn Coleman, Henrietta Van Maanen, Roger Schmidt 10/13/12 video high school and college
Charles Daniels 12/13/12 video high school
Fred Hope 12/29/12 video high school
Nancy Ricketts 01/01/13 video college
Robert Hoffman 01/24/13 video college
Pat Fager and Kathy Newman 02/02/13 video college
Scott McAdams and Dionne Brady Howard 02/09/13 video college
Henrietta Van Maanen and Elaine Strelow 07/12/13 video college
Chris Bryner 07/23/13 video college
Jack and Judy Ozment 07/31/13 video college
Rus and Marty Braun 08/17/13 video high school
Zoltan Barabas, Tom Climo, Jim DiGennaro, Dan Evans, Suha Tokman 09/13/13 video college
Fel Estrada and Molly Kitka 10/17/13 video high school
Dick and Mary Goff 12/28/13 video college
Bill and Nancy Yaw Davis 01/13/14 video high school and college
Marie Laws, Irene Shuler, Helen Mercado, and Maggie Verney 02/20/14 video high school

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Allen Auditorium, Sheldon Jackson School campus, 1954

Allen Auditorium, Sheldon Jackson School campus, 1954

Here is a video, that I just made in January,  Surprises and Contradictions in the Oral History of Sheldon Jackson School and College.

Over the past two years or so Alice Smith and I have been interviewing people associated with Sheldon Jackson School and College, in an effort to learn more about the institution, and to capture first hand experiences of it. We’ve now conducted nearly two dozen interviews on video, with more than thirty individuals. Most of these have been broadcast on local television.

A copy of all the videos will be archived with the University of Alaska Fairbanks Oral History Program, and one copy will eventually be available in Sitka at the Stratton building, now part of the Alaska State Museums, when it is restored.

This work began with the urge to understand what happened, when the college failed (in 2007) in such a painful manner that years after it shut down, many people were still hostile towards it. For both Alice and myself, knowing that many good people had literally devoted their lives to the college, it was important to acknowledge their work.

The story is remarkable. Besides the complicated story of how and why so many people gave so much to this place, and why it failed, there is the story of the mission school. Sheldon Jackson was founded as a Presbyterian mission by its namesake, back in 1878. The events surrounding the first decades of the school shaped Alaska as we know it today. Which is kind of interesting.

But the most complicated part of the story is the days as a boarding high school, from 1917 to 1967. It was all Native up until the 1940s, and mostly Native after that. In recent decades there has been a growing awareness of the abuses of boarding schools for Natives, including forcibly removing children from their homes, punishing children for speaking their language and in other ways separating them from their culture, and including physical and even sexual abuse.

Most people, including myself, assumed that Sheldon Jackson was a place of repression and harsh discipline. While the school did not respect, or even see, Native culture, it was a small school, that students had to pay to attend, and it happened to have overall a positive culture. Interviews with students upend the stereotypes. It’s not so much that the school wasn’t racist, but that racism was pervasive in society at the time. We’ve learned that even though this generation who went to high school in the 1940s and 1950s are not complainers, life was not easy for Alaska Natives. Poverty, racism, and premature deaths of family members, in particular from tuberculosis, touched every member of this generation.

I made a short documentary, setting out some of this, which is at Surprises and Contradictions in the Oral History of Sheldon Jackson School and College.

 

 

 

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Sheldon Jackson yearbook page

“Deputation” from the 1967 Alayeksa, the yearbook of the last graduating class of Sheldon Jackson High School

Recently a friend wrote me that Sheldon Jackson School “was first and foremost a boarding school for Native students, and if one looks at the legacy of the boarding school era throughout Indian Country one begins to understand just how devastating an impact that period had on Native communities and their future development. . . . SJ is in many ways the central nerve of this forced assimilation in Alaska . . . “

The school’s legacy is complex, and some students had bad experiences, others had positive ones, and many had both.  Just as everyone’s experience was different, boarding schools were different. Sheldon Jackson was a private school and students had to pay to go there. Many were legacy students, whose parents and even grandparents went there. For students alive today, they were not forced to go to school, but they and their parents were forced to make a terrible choice – if they wanted education, they had to leave their homes, family, culture, and community.

Schools did deep damage to generations, not only in losing cultural practices, but in being told that it was not worth anything, losing their sense of themselves, their culture, parents, language, as worthy. There are also damaging consequences from taking away a person’s sense of power, through forced submission to rules and customs of an alien culture. Boarding schools were engaged in a culture-replacement project, based on the assumption that Native culture and language were not only inferior to Euro-American culture, but that they had to be stamped out in order for Native people to progress.

The really important and difficult thing about mission education is that it was never simply  missionaries forcing Natives to do something. Mission and government schools varied, through time, and for different students. On one end were children taken from their parents against their will. The vast majority, perhaps all Sheldon Jackson students in the 20th century, were there because their parents wanted them to be there.

Native people long ago, just as now, made their own decisions, and had their own reasons for adopting the dominant education and culture, or for making the sacrifice to send a child to Sheldon Jackson. This is hard to understand now, how Native people could have written and spoken about the need to “give up the old ways,” how Native people could have exhibited pride in assimilation. Many parents deliberately did not teach their children their language, in the belief that it would hold them back.  This is what we have to try to understand – the environment of 50 years ago or more, when abandoning one’s language seemed like a good choice; when there were few or no other options. It was not so long ago that being Native was understood as a handicap. There was no sense of how important language is to culture, and how important language and culture, and pride in one’s heritage, are to a healthy sense of who we are. Racial bias was pervasive. The assault on traditional culture was coming from all sides, from the government and popular culture, as well as in education.

When we paint all missions as sites of forced assimilation we ignore the complexities of the past. Sheldon Jackson was successful only because Native parents supported it. For a time in the earliest years, the mission tried to keep children by force, but in the 20th century it was unnecessary. We paint missionaries as villains, we drive a stake through their hearts, and think we are good. Demonizing missionaries only deflects attention from the continuity of past attitudes into the present. Racial bias, stereotypes of Native Americans, and patronizing attitudes did not vanish with the missionaries, even if we’d like to pretend they did.

A few weeks ago I was telling another friend about an interview with an older Native man, who believes that not teaching the children the language was a good decision. My friend gazed at me with sorrow – the kind of look I get from those who regret I don’t accept Jesus as my Savior – as if by listening, and acknowledging this man’s viewpoint – arrived at in part from his traumatic early-life experience – I was in agreement with his position.

The next day, I talked to a graduate of Sheldon Jackson High School in the 1960s, a woman who I knew as politically active, and I was expecting to hear about racist attitudes and harsh discipline. Instead, she told how she attended Sitka High School for a year, before going to Sheldon Jackson, and how there was a “world of difference” – that SJ was “like family.” How at Sitka High, she was a nobody, a “little Native girl.” Some other Native kids identified and were treated as white, and were popular at Sitka High; but for her, there was “so much racism.” At Sheldon Jackson, “life changed.” She was accepted as a Native student. Through her years at Sheldon Jackson, and through church, she has connections, everywhere in Alaska, even where she has no relatives, if there are SJ people from the years she was there.

This was another surprise, but an unintended consequence of segregated education at Sheldon Jackson was – in spite of the suppression of Native language and culture – to foster the identity of this generation as Alaska Natives, across tribal and geographic lines.

Later that same evening, I saw a film, Strangers No More, about a school for the children of immigrant workers in Tel Aviv, Israel. The film followed a handful of children, refugees, some of whom had seen family members murdered in front of them, who had grown up in refugee camps, and had fled to Israel. Again and again, tears came to my eyes, as the the women in the film, a teacher and the principal, took care to help the children through the traumas they had been through, and to help them to succeed in the school. The compassion and caring of these teachers was extraordinary, as was the deep gratitude and love of the students for the teachers, and the affectionate relationships among the children. The children’s faces glowed with love and pride. It was clear that without this school these children would have much diminished chances of success, perhaps even survival. One teacher says, it’s in the Bible – Jews have a duty to help those less fortunate.

Here is a mission school. Were the Tel Aviv teachers sensitive to the cultures of the children? They taught in Hebrew. It’s like SJ in another way: the power relationship is unavoidably uneven. The helper has more power than the student – or even the adults, the parents of the children. They helped the father of one young boy – tired, fearful, weary – by helping him through the process of extending his work visa. This is a great good – but it also reinforces the power relationship, and his helplessness.What does that do to how the son sees himself and his father? Any time the more fortunate help the less, we may be taking away their sense of control, of identity, and reinforcing the very power structure that has led to their problems – the war and evil that’s driven the kids from their homes. When the dominant culture trains kids from others’, we are implicitly putting down their culture. And, making the children outsiders in their own culture.

There are important differences, of course. The teachers at this school could not have taught in the children’s languages if they wanted to, so they had no choice but to teach in Hebrew. Unlike Sheldon Jackson, they did not punish children for speaking their own languages, and were not teaching in the children’s ancestral home place.

But in important respects, this school is much the same. We don’t know whether it works for all children, but for some, just as at Sheldon Jackson, it is life changing. The children leave better off than they were, with a stronger sense of themselves, friends with children from all over the world.

We still believe in the power of education, and in helping others. Public education in America came out of this basically patronizing, missionary impulse to help less fortunate children, and still has this sense behind it, so we need to learn about these more explicitly mission schools. As we go forward we have to consider what it is that is, and  was,  beneficial in these schools, and whether we can minimize the bad. Or, can we imagine an entirely new model, that integrates, and is guided by, students’ culture and language?

How much of the good is due to the individual teachers – like the best teachers at Sheldon Jackson, they genuinely respect the children and their abilities and expect the best from them. These teachers are highly educated themselves, and respect themselves. You can see that a weak teacher, or one with control issues, would be disastrous in this situation.

How much of the success is the fact that for these children, there are no alternatives? So there is no way but up. There must always be this complexity. Perhaps the best thing is for us to be aware of it, and to try to be humble, and motivated by what’s best for the child – and try to be open to what that might be.

A school can be all downside, discipline without love, and politics or doctrine instead of making the child feel safe, appreciated and able to grow, reinforcing a child’s sense that he is a failure. It depends on the individuals, and the culture of the institution. When it works, it is because of a genuine human relationship, and the particular situation, the setting, the times; and it’s a subtle, individual thing. You can imagine one child being ignored, not fitting in, and experiencing humiliation; while next to him, a child whose temperament fits better with the teachers and the culture of the institution thrives.

No doubt this school in Tel Aviv is not perfect, but it’s just as unlikely that Sheldon Jackson was wholly to be condemned. All offer important lessons.

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